Chapter 297: Chapter 46, Another European Balance

Franz asked in surprise, “They really caught the assassin?”

According to his thinking, after the failed assassination in Paris, these people would have long since hidden themselves. How could they possibly continue to stay in the same place waiting for death?

However, he overlooked the fact that in this era, communication was inconvenient; the government may have received the intelligence early on, but that didn’t mean the assassins also got the message.

The news now published in Vienna’s newspapers was still about the assassination attempt on Napoleon III, the capture of the assassin, and the Paris Government holding the Kingdom of Sardinia accountable; these stories hadn’t spread that quickly yet.

The Carbonari had significant influence in the Kingdom of Sardinia, but that didn’t mean they were powerful in Austria. In fact, in Austria, they were considered a cult organization, and their tentacles into Lombardy-Venetia had been severed long ago.

Even if the organization within Sardinia had received the news, they had no ability to inform these assassins to withdraw. It’s even possible that this assassination was decided on the spur of the moment by the lower ranks, and the Carbonari high command was completely unaware.

The Carbonari was an alliance by nature, holding only nominal leadership over its members. In reality, everyone went their own way without any actual coercive power over the members.

Archduke Louis replied with a chuckle, “Yes, Your Majesty! After these assassins were caught, they insisted they were French and claimed they acted on orders from Napoleon III to assassinate you.”

Indeed, it was laughable that such a clumsy frame-up attempt existed. Did they really think that changing their nationality would make their story believable?

Franz said with a sneer, “Then make sure to watch them closely. Don’t let them die. They might still be of great use later on.”

A ready-made excuse had been delivered to their door; the Vienna Government had a reason to support the French. An inactive assassin was still an assassin, and under shared grievances, a common animosity between France and Austria was perfectly reasonable.

Even more amusing was that in this era, the Carbonari were an overt organization, with publicly known members. To think of throwing out a few scapegoats was impossible, especially with the implication of regicide; no one could expect to escape unscathed.

“The Three Heroes of Italian Unification” Mazzini, Garibaldi, and Cavour, were all members of this organization, and there were even rumors that Napoleon III had once been part of it.

What could the Sardinian Government do, hand over these people? Regrettably, apart from the King, all the high officials of the Kingdom of Sardinia were involved. It wasn’t so simple to cut off one’s own arm in sacrifice—this was an insoluble problem.

Archduke Louis responded, “Yes, Your Majesty!”

To encourage the French to annex the Kingdom of Sardinia, Franz had also racked his brain. He even temporarily gave up the chance to blackmail the Kingdom of Sardinia.

St. Petersburg

No matter what the Tsarist Government was up to, whenever trouble erupted in Europe, they were always involved. As the hegemon of Europe, it was their responsibility and duty to mediate conflicts between nations.

Of course, this responsibility and duty were what the Russians considered their own; none of the European nations had ever acknowledged this. The Tsarist Government’s hegemonic status in Europe was entirely based on military force.

Nicholas I found himself in a difficult position: on one hand, he detested the radical Italian organizations that assassinate emperors; on the other, he didn’t want to see French power expanding.

Not just Nicholas I, but every monarch in the European Continent, other than the exceptional Franz, faced the same predicament.

No matter if Napoleon III was an upstart, since he had been recognized by everyone, he was a member of the Monarch Group. Ordinary political assassinations would be collectively opposed by everyone, let alone the assassination of a monarch.

After Bismarck was assassinated, as the scapegoat, Polish independence efforts suffered heavy losses. They endured brutal suppression from both Prussia and Russia and faced boycotts from European nations.

Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell said righteously, “Your Majesty, this evil organization that seeks to assassinate a monarch must be punished, and all its leaders must be sent to the gallows.”

This was politically correct; even the ally of the Kingdom of Sardinia—the British—demanded them to hand over the murderers. No monarchial nation could tolerate the existence of a sinister organization that assassinates monarchs.

Nicholas I nodded and said, “Mmm, this vile organization must be eradicated. The Foreign Ministry should send a note to the Kingdom of Sardinia, demanding them to immediately arrest the murderers.

Our current issue is how to avoid the expansion of French influence. The lessons of the Napoleonic Era must not repeat themselves; we must curb the enemy’s steps of expansion.”

Foreign Minister Carl-Wassell said confidently, “Your Majesty, containing French expansion is not just our problem alone. If the French expand in the Italian Area, the British and Austrians will be the first to be affected.

We don’t need to worry about this matter at all. Even if the French grow in strength, there are Prussia and Austria to block them.

Times have changed. Napoleon III is not Napoleon; he lacks the extraordinary talent of his uncle. Once the French enter Central Europe, they will face a united opposition from everyone.

With their current strength, the French simply don’t have the capability to sweep across the European Continent. If the French attempt to expand into Central Europe, we will form an Anti-French Alliance and eliminate this enemy once and for all.”

Being wary of the French is completely instinctive. After all, Napoleon had marched all the way to the heartland of Russia; if it hadn’t been for the winter that gave us a lifeline, the Russian Empire would have been finished.

Therefore, in the struggle for control over Europe, the Tsarist Government has always regarded France as its prime competitor, and of course, the French likewise view Russia as their primary rival.

The French were willing to join hands with John Bull to launch the Near East war, not only to divert an internal political crisis but more so as a continuation of the French-Russian struggle for dominance over Europe.

Finance Minister Aristander Rhodes cautioned, “Your Majesty, the Austrians have been growing rapidly in recent years. Although they are our allies, we still need to be vigilant.

Now that the French have emerged, why not let Austria and them restrain each other? We can also learn from the British and Austrians and indulge in a European balance.”

Russians engaging in a European balance seems far-fetched, but it has become a necessity.

In the war in the Near East, England and France, the two main actors, have already regained their vitality, yet the victorious Russian Empire is still recuperating.

This shook the Tsarist Government profoundly, compelling it to carry out systemic reforms. Nicholas I truly had aged, lacking the sharpness of his youth, and faced with strong opposition from the Conservative party, he proceeded cautiously and steadily.

Besides, the Russian Empire is too vast, and governing it is not so simple.

Telegraphy is on the verge of becoming widespread across the European Continent, yet in Russia, it barely covers a few major cities; the prospect of nationwide coverage remains a distant dream.

Under such circumstances, the Central Government’s control over local governments naturally becomes insufficient. The reform measures that were hard-won end up being compromised when it comes to implementation.

The effects of the reforms are indistinct and fail to solve the financial difficulties; the Russian Empire no longer has the strength to intimidate other countries. Changing the national policy is also a reluctant choice.

Nicholas I sighed deeply, not having imagined that Russia, which has always wanted to break the European status quo, would now become a supporter of the European balance policy.

“So be it, let’s do it this way!”

Having made this decision, Nicholas I seemed to have aged considerably all at once.

Once the European balance policy kicks in, it means that the Russian Empire is giving up all ambitions of expansion on the European Continent, leaving the Tsarist Government with even less strategic room for maneuver in the future.

But faced with reality, there is no room for their refusal. Even if they don’t give up on expanding in the European Continent, the Tsarist Government can no longer find any territory suitable for expansion. All neighboring lands are tough to crack open.

Prior to this, the Tsarist Government had already been taking action. The rebuilding of the Vienna System was part of the European balance policy, only the initial motivation was different.

Initially, the Tsarist Government’s aim was simply to consolidate its own dominance and buy time for internal reforms. Now it is due to a lack of funds, and to save the cost of maintaining dominance, they are forced to adopt a European balance policy.