Chapter 301: Chapter 50, The Class That Must Not Fall
Seeing the two resignation letters in his hand, Franz could only sigh helplessly.

Time spares no one, something beyond human ability to change.

Marshal Radetzky was already 91 years old, and at this point in history, he would have already collected his last meal. Now, it was almost his time too, and although he nominally served as Chief of the General Staff, he had actually been in retirement for three years.

Anyhow, the Chief of the General Staff’s position was only of significant authority during wartime; in times of peace, it mainly involved strategy development, and there weren’t many specific duties, so Franz retained the old Marshal’s position.

Clearly, Marshal Radetzky wasn’t willing to just coast along, and once he realized he could no longer keep up, he submitted his resignation to Franz again and again.

His wording grew increasingly forceful, threatening to pass away in office if his resignation wasn’t approved. After some hesitation, Franz reluctantly approved it.

If Marshal Radetzky’s departure was more emotionally taxing for Franz, then Metternich’s resignation was truly a headache.

The Foreign Minister was no mere figurehead; it was one of the three major positions alongside the Prime Minister and Finance Minister.

Metternich was also 85, clearly unable to keep up due to his age. Most of the Foreign Ministry’s affairs were now managed by his deputy, with Metternich only involving himself in important matters.

Two years ago, Franz had granted him special permission: he could set his own work hours, choose his location of work, and take leave without needing to report it.

After a moment of reflection, Franz had no choice but to accept the departure of the two senior ministers. Perhaps it wasn’t just two, but three, as Archduke Louis was also close to leaving.

Franz was certain that if Metternich resigned, Louis would not stay either. Why would someone in their eighties remain after his political adversaries of many decades had left?

This man’s abilities could not compare to the previous two; he was mediocre at best, and even considered average. However, he was a supporter of Franz when he had initiated the conflict between the bourgeoisie and the nobility.

In politics, many issues can’t be judged superficially. Archduke Louis had taken the blame for Franz’s actions. For this, during the Vienna rebellion, he had even lost a son.

Setting aside his capabilities, his loyalty was surely high. Over the years, he had drawn the wrath of capitalists for Franz and steadfastly led the aristocratic group in suppressing the bourgeoisie.

Without them, it’s likely that domestic capitalists wouldn’t be so subdued. Not to mention, the Labor Protection Law couldn’t be implemented, child laborers wouldn’t return to school, and the domestic class strife wouldn’t be suppressed.

There was no way around it, balancing power is paramount in governance. In an era of rapid economic development, the power of the bourgeoisie naturally expanded swiftly. Without restraint, these people would have already created havoc in the country.

The accumulation of primitive capital is always bloody, and these people were still solely profit-driven, completely unconcerned with their reputation in life or after death.

To ensure domestic stability, Franz had no choice but to chain them up.

And this chain required an enforcer, someone who couldn’t be the Emperor; the Conservatives stepped into that role with a blade.

The effects were quite clear; with these restraints, the capitalists learnt their place and their demeanor became somewhat more presentable.

Franz wouldn’t listen to their nonsensical claims about rising labor costs weakening market competition; these were mostly excuses to cheat others.

Speaking of labor costs, why not compare them with England and France? As a major exporter of agricultural products, the cost of living in Austria was lower than in England and France.

They were clearly violating the law in pursuit of exorbitant profits, yet they blamed it on market competition. To argue that high labor costs were an issue, one needed to make comparisons first.

In this era, only England and France were on par to compare with Austria, and compared to these two, Austria still held an advantage.

If we compare the cost of labor with that of Mao Xiong, there’s certainly no contest. Their factories are using free serfs; we can’t exactly reverse the course of history, can we?

Franz can responsibly say that investing in industry during this era remains in its golden phase; any enterprise with a gross profit margin below thirty percent could be considered ripe for elimination.

Even if profits grew tenfold, capitalists would still feel the profits were low. Franz had experienced this deeply; he even thought the return on gold mining was too low!

The biggest cautionary tale comes from England and France; after the outbreak of the second industrial revolution, their industrial production fell behind.

The reason for their lag was not due to technology or the market. The reality is both laughable and lamentable: why make an effort if one can make money just by lying down?

Anyway, they had cheaper raw materials and a rich market; they could make money without technological innovation.

From a profit perspective, replacing machinery also required investment. In an era of constantly evolving technology, machinery would rapidly become outdated, so for the sake of maximising profits, they simply chose not to replace it.

On the other hand, the German Empire, with higher labor and raw material costs, compelled by the brutal competition in the market, had to drive technological innovation; only new technology could help them survive.

Over time, England and France, who once held absolute advantages, were just overtaken.

If there were no pressure to survive, Franz seriously doubted Austria would follow in the footsteps of England and France; once everyone developed these bad habits, it would become difficult to change.

Even worse, some people would promote bizarre policies to secure cheaper labor, lacking any concept of national interest in their minds.

It’s not only important to guard against capitalists’ degeneration, but also to be vigilant of the Nobility’s moral decay. People are all the same; without pressure, they easily degenerate.

For Franz, the degeneration of the Nobility is far more terrifying than that of the capitalists. This is his base of power; if this class were to have problems, his rule would become unstable.

These people are genuinely tied to the Emperor, with their roots deep in Austria, and the cost of betrayal is exceedingly high. They can’t follow the capitalists who, upon seeing greater benefits, betray at the drop of a hat.

The ongoing push for overseas colonization and the civil service examination system, which sparked conflict between the nobility and the capitalist class, are actually pressuring the nobility.

They need to know that if they don’t work hard today, others will replace them tomorrow. Faced with this harsh reality, many near-bankrupt or already bankrupt nobles have become eager pioneers of colonization.

In order to prevent the domestic elite from degenerating, Franz is also racking his brains. Many of his policies revolve around this issue.

The upcoming personnel adjustments gave Franz a headache.

The position of Chief of General Staff was the easiest to deal with; there were plenty of candidates who could be competent.

In the end, it boiled down to national strength. Once comprehensive national power was built up, the most reliable strategy and tactic were to simply overwhelm the opponents with your might.

The successor for the Foreign Minister had also been groomed, and although they couldn’t compare to Metternich, they were still above the average level of other countries.

Essentially, diplomacy is also built upon national strength. A weak country has no diplomacy; no matter how skilled a diplomat is, without power, they are useless.

On the other hand, appointing a new Minister of Internal Affairs was more troublesome. For political balance within the country, this person had to come from the Conservative faction, possess a certain level of ability that would command widespread respect, and be able to act according to Franz’s will.

There was no shortage of people who met one of these criteria, but those who satisfied all the conditions were few and far between throughout the entire Vienna Government.